Sierra Leone's Sovereignty Crisis and Its Context
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By A. M. Savage
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Apologists frequently use the phrase "Sierra Leone is a sovereign country" as if the majority of readers are too young to know any better. Their real goal, of course, is to deflect criticism away from the growing crisis of legitimacy and the human rights abuses that are undermining the democratic credentials of the state. The practice of amplifying the impact of obscurantism (an anti-intellectual approach to information presentation) is on the rise again.
The word "sovereign" appears only once in the SL Constitution (in Section 1 of Chapter I), while the cognate "sovereignty" appears twice (in Section 3 of Chapter II and in Section 2 of Chapter V). Despite only making a brief appearance in the Constitution's text, the concept of "sovereignty" is well-grounded and defined as the source from which the power, legitimacy, and authority of the state are derived. Since "sovereignty belongs to the people of Sierra Leone from whom Government through this Constitution derives all its powers, authority, and legitimacy," (Section 3, Chapter II) the general will of the people is the legal and moral justification for sovereignty.
In order for the ballot box to yield state sovereignty, it is crucial that voters have faith in the free, fair, and transparent conduct of the most recent general elections.
Even when the results of a vote are uncontested, majority rule is insufficient to establish or grant sovereignty. Both the majority and the minority have an equal say in the matter of who rules supreme. 'The President shall be the Fountain of Honour and Justice and the symbol of national unity and sovereignty,' which can be found in Section 2 of Chapter V of the Constitution, is crystal clear in its reference to the President's symbolic role in the exercise of sovereignty. It stands to reason that the President's authority and power must have a legitimate origin, given that he is supposed to be the wellspring from which all moral/ just actions and the cohesion of the state spring.
The brutal civil war in Sierra Leone ended just 21 years ago. Many have pointed to the country as an example of how to navigate the challenges of post-war democratic accountability, human rights protection, and sustainable development. It is too early in the morning to allow the return of the egregious abuse of power, collapse of state institutions, and fragrant usurpation of sovereignty by a rights-destroying political cabal.
The international community (UN, USA, UK, EU, ECOWAS, AU, etc.) provided financial and moral support for the new post-war nation. They are obviously aware of the gravity of the situation and do not need to be reminded of it. Detailed historical context, pre-conflict dynamics, and how a crisis of legitimacy accelerated the collapse of the state are all described in the reports of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission (all volumes of which are available online).
The United Nations Human Rights Council should give priority to appointing a country-specific human rights rapporteur to record all the flagrant violations of human rights both before and after the election.
We owe it to the war's victims to study its lessons and work to prevent a repetition.